Samuel Slater, now partners with Almy and…

The Bu Sa'idi family reaches the peak of its influence under Sa'id, who places the East African Arab and Swahili colonies from Mogadishu (Muqdisho) to ...

The catalyst for imperial tenure over Somali territory is Egypt under its ambitious ruler, Khedive Ismail.

In the last quarter of the nineteenth century, this Ottoman vassal seeks to carve out for Egypt a swath of territory in the Horn of Africa.

However, the Sudanese anti-Egyptian Mahdist revolt that broke out in 1884 had shattered the khedive's plan for imperial aggrandizement.

The Egyptians needed British help to evacuate their troops marooned in Sudan and on the Somali coast.

Italy, recently unified, is inexperienced at imperial power plays.

It was therefore content to stake out a territory whenever it can do so without confronting another colonial power.

In southern Somalia, better known as the Banaadir coast, Italy is the main colonizer, but the extension of Italian influence is painstakingly slow owing to parliamentary lack of enthusiasm for overseas territory.

Italy acquires its first possession in southern Somalia in 1888 when the Sultan of Hobyo, Keenadiid, agrees to Italian "protection."

In the same year, Vincenzo Filonardi, Italy's architect of imperialism in southern Somalia, demands a similar arrangement from the Majeerteen Sultanate of Ismaan Mahamuud.

In 1889 both sultans, suspicious of each other, consent  to place their lands under Italian protection.

Italy now notifies the signatory powers of the Berlin West Africa Conference of 1884-85 of its southeastern Somali protectorate.

Later, Italy seizesthe Banaadir coast proper, which has long been under the tenuous authority of the Zanzibaris, to form the colony of Italian Somaliland.

Chisimayu Region, which passes to the British as a result of their protectorate over the Zanzibaris, will be ceded to Italy in 1925 to complete Italian tenure over southern Somalia.

General Rodolfo Graziani, De Bono's subordinate, is the Commander-in-Chief of forces invading from Italian Somaliland, the "southern front."

Initially he has two divisions and a variety of smaller units under his command.

His forces include a mix of Italians, Somalis, Eritreans, Libyans, and others.

De Bono regards Italian Somaliland as a secondary theater which needs primarily to defend itself and possibly aid the main front with offensive thrusts if the enemy forces there are not too large.

In the south, Sultan Olol Diinle commands a personal army that advances into the northern Ogaden alongside the forces of Italian Colonel Luigi Frusci.

The Sultan is motivated by his desire to take back lands that the Ethiopians had taken from him.

The Italian colonial forces even include some Yemenis recruited from across the Gulf of Aden.

Somalia endures three decades of dictatorship that creates enemy clans among the Somali people and deprives many citizens of their civil rights and possessions; oppression, persecution, and brutality are common.

The country falls under the control of a series of warlords each holding a small section of the country.

The rival factions war with each other from the mid-eighties.

With the abdication of President Mohammed Siad Barre in 1989, there is hope for peace and prosperity.

The enemies that the regime has created become violent, however, creating anarchy in Somalia.

The violence exarcerbates the effect of an already-serious famine, alleviated only through the eforts of a U.N.-sponsored humanitarian intervention.

From, 1991 Somalia lacks a central government that can safeguard its long coastlines and large territories.

This would seem to be the most likely reason that attracts dealers in toxic waste disposal to use Somalia as a dumping site for the waste generated elsewhere.

(According to a 1996 study by the American University of Washington, the cost of disposing one ton of hazardous waste in its source of generation is estimated to cost US $3000, in contrast with costs as low as US $5 in a developing country.)

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Somalia, in 1974.

On October 13, four Palestinians hijack a German Lufthansa Boeing 737 and order it to fly around a number of Middle East destinations for four days.

After the plane's pilot is executed, it is stormed by German GSG9 counter-terrorist troops, assisted by two British Army Special Air Service soldiers, when it puts down at Mogadishu, Somalia.

All the ninety hostages are rescued and three terrorists killed.

According to some reports, Nur Elmy Osman, who claims to be the Somali Minister of Health under an interim government headed by Ali Mahdi Muhammad, signs an $80 million contract with a Swiss firm, Achair Partners, and an Italian firm, Progresso, on December 5, 1991.Osman had been a health official in the Barre government, but allegedly is no longer recognized as a government official by Ali Mahdi.

The terms of the contract would supposedly allow the two firms to construct a 10-million ton storage facility for hazardous waste, which would first be burned in an incinerator to be built on the same site and then stored in the facility at the rate of 500,000 tons a year.

From November 1991, there had been heavy fighting in the Somali capital of Mogadishu between armed elements allied to General Mohamed Farah Aidid, or to Ali Mohamed Mahdi, the appointed "interim President", and other factions.

In December 1992, after the situation in Somalia further deteriorates, the UN Security Council authorizes Member States to form the Unified Task Force (UNITAF) to establish a safe environment for the delivery of humanitarian assistance.

United States President George H. W. Bush, scheduled to leave office in January, responds to Security Council resolution 794 (1992) with a decision on 4 December to initiate Operation Restore Hope, under which the United States would assume the unified command of the new operation.

On December 9th, 1992 the United States Marines land in Mogadishu and quickly establish an expeditionary infrastructure to facilitate security and the delivery of food to the starving Somalis.

On December 11th, the Marines establish a Civil Military Operations Center (CMOC) and co-locate it with the UN's Humanitarian Operations Center (HOC).

30,000 troops are eventually involved in this seemingly well-intentioned mission.

(Its violent outcome, in October 1993, will eventually result in US suspicions of hidden meddling by bin Laden.)

Former Somalian dictator Mohamed Siad Barre discovers the toxic-waste disposal arrangement and brings it to the attention of Somalis in Kenya in an apparent attempt to discredit those who ousted him.

The United Nations Environment Program (UNEP) investigates the matter at the urging of Somalia's neighbors and the Swiss and Italian governments.

A period of accusations ensue as both Archair Partners and Progresso deny entering into any agreement, Osman denies signing any contract and the Swiss and Italian governments declare they have no knowledge of the two firms' activities.

Self-declared Somalian president Ali Madhi Mohamed, who controls only part of the Somalian capital of Mogadishu, says that Oman is no longer part of his "cabinet" and that he had been given no authority to sign on to the toxic trade deal.

In November 1992, subsequent (and consequent) to the UNEP's investigation, the contract is apparently declared null and the facility is never built.

In the opinion of the UNEP's director Dr. Mustafa Tolba, however, the firms of had been established specifically as fictitious companies by larger industrial firms to dispose of hazardous waste.

At one point Dr. Tolba declares that the UNEP is dealing with a mafia.

According to the environmental organization Greenpeace Italy, the Italian waste broker Progresso, which served as an intermediary between Oman and Achair, has already dumped 22,000 gallons of pesticides and agrochemicals in northern Somalia, near the country's border and the Red Sea state of Djibouti.

Source: Behind The Lines: Toxic Trade Scuttled, by Julie Gosan