Polanco’s presidency lasts only three months, until his deposition by General Antonio Pimentel.

The rebels formalize their provisional rule by holding a national convention in February 1865, which enacts a new constitution, but the new government exerts little authority over the various regional guerilla caudillos, who are largely independent of one another.

When the American Civil War ends in March 1865, Queen Isabella, unable to extract concessions from the disorganized rebels, annuls the annexation and restores Dominican independence, with the last Spanish troops departing by July.

The Dominican Republic, officially independent on August 16, 1865, begins to move closer politically to the US.

By the time the Spanish depart, most of the main towns lie in ruins and the island is divided among several dozen caudillos.

José María Cabral controls most of Barahona and the southwest with the support of Báez's mahogany-exporting partners, while cattle rancher Cesáreo Guillermo has assembled a coalition of former Santanista generals in the southeast, and Gregorio Luperón controls the north coast.

Within a month of the nationalist victory, Cabral, whose troops are the first to enter Santo Domingo, ousts Pimentel, but a few weeks later, General Guillermo leads a rebellion in support of Báez, forcing Cabral to resign and allowing Báez to retake the presidency in October.

Buenaventura Báez is overthrown by the farmers of the Cibao Valley, the nation's richest farmland, under Gregorio Luperón, leader of the Partido Azul, in the spring of 1866.

Gregorio Luperón's allies have turned on each other, opening the way for José María Cabral, who had been the first Dominican president elected by universal direct suffrage, to reinstall himself as President in a coup on August 22, 1866.

The Rojos ("Reds") revolt after José María Cabral brings several Azules ("Blues") into his cabinet, returning Buenaventura Báez to power on May 2, 1868.

Eastern West Indies (1876–1887 CE): Political Power Shifts, Reforms, and Continued Instability

Haiti: Populist Reforms and Political Unrest

From 1879 to 1888, Louis Lysius Félicité Salomon emerged as one of Haiti's most effective presidents of the late nineteenth century. Originating from a prominent southern black family, Salomon leveraged his education and extensive political experience to implement significant reforms. He established Haiti's first national bank, improved public administration, revived agricultural productivity, and expanded international connectivity through telegraph networks. His administration notably prioritized rural education by importing French teachers and creating rural schools. Salomon's efforts also included the repayment of Haiti’s longstanding indemnity to France and a pragmatic openness to foreign investment.

Nevertheless, Salomon's populist stance made him many enemies among the elite, who repeatedly attempted to remove him through rebellions and conspiracies. Ultimately, his attempts to extend his presidential term resulted in his ouster by Liberal Party factions in 1888, perpetuating Haiti's chronic political volatility.

Dominican Republic: Heureaux’s Rise to Power and Dictatorial Rule

Following the departure of Buenaventura Báez in 1878, the Dominican Republic experienced significant political turmoil, marked by rapid presidential turnover and fierce factional rivalry. Notable figures during this tumultuous period included Ignacio María González Santín, whose short presidency lasted only months, and General Gregorio Luperón, who briefly governed from Puerto Plata. In 1880, Fernando Arturo de Merino assumed power through contested elections, supported behind the scenes by Ulises Heureaux, who rapidly gained influence.

Heureaux, known popularly as "General Lilis," officially became president in 1882. Although his initial term was relatively stable, it set the stage for his later authoritarian control. After orchestrating the election of his favored candidate, Francisco Gregorio Billini, in 1884, Heureaux manipulated political rivalries and exploited internal dissent, ultimately forcing Billini's resignation and replacing him with Vice President Alejandro Woss y Gil in 1885.

Institutionalizing Dictatorship: Heureaux Consolidates Control

Heureaux’s re-election in 1886 marked the definitive start of his dictatorship, cemented through electoral manipulation, constitutional amendments extending presidential terms, and suppression of the free press. Leveraging both Red and Blue party alliances and establishing a comprehensive secret police network, Heureaux maintained power ruthlessly, quelling rebellions and stifling opposition.

Social and Economic Context

During this period, most Caribbean and Latin American nations, including Brazil and Cuba, had ended slavery through compensated emancipation schemes. The socio-economic transitions resulting from emancipation reshaped labor systems, land ownership patterns, and regional economic dynamics, significantly influencing political and social developments.

Key Historical Events

• Louis Lysius Félicité Salomon’s presidency (1879–1888) brought significant populist reforms to Haiti, including banking, education, and foreign investment.

• Persistent Haitian instability, culminating in Salomon’s ouster in 1888.

• Dominican Republic’s turbulent political landscape post-Báez, marked by frequent power shifts.

• Ulises Heureaux’s ascendancy and consolidation of dictatorial power, characterized by electoral fraud, constitutional changes, and suppression of opposition.

Long-Term Consequences and Historical Significance

The period 1876–1887 further entrenched patterns of political instability and authoritarian governance in the Eastern West Indies. Haiti and the Dominican Republic experienced significant political shifts that would profoundly influence their socio-economic and political trajectories. While reforms under leaders like Salomon brought temporary stability and growth, the persistence of authoritarianism, exemplified by Heureaux’s dictatorship, underscored enduring vulnerabilities in regional governance and democratic institutions.

Heureaux's first term as president is not particularly noteworthy.

The administrations of Luperón and Merino had achieved some financial stability for the country; political conditions have settled down to the point where Heureaux needs to suppress only one major uprising during his two-year tenure.

By 1884, however, no single successor enjoys widespread suport among the various caciques who constitute the republic's ruling group.

Luperón, still the leader of the ruling Blue Party, supports General Segundo Imbert for the post, while Heureaux backs the candidacy of General Francisco Gregorio Billini.

A consummate dissembler, Heureaux assures Luperón that he will support Imbert should he win the election, but Heureaux also has ballot boxes in critical precincts stuffed in order to assure Billini's election.

Backing from Gregorio Luperón helps Ulises Francisco Espaillat Quihones win election as Dominican president on March 24, 1876, after a period of infighting among the Blues.

Espaillat, a political and economic liberal and the first individual who is not a general to reach the presidency, apparently intends to broaden personal freedoms and to set the nation's economy on a firmer footing.

He never has the opportunity to do either, however.

Rebellions in the south and east force Espaillat to resign on December 20, 1876.

Buenaventura Báez, ever the opportunist, returns once more to power.

The most effective opposition to his rule comes from guerrilla forces led by a politically active priest, Fernando Arturo de Merino.

In February 1878, the unpopular Báez departs his country for the last time; he dies in exile in 1882.

Ulises Heureaux, Luperón's lieutenant, stands out among his fellow Dominicans both physically and temperamentally.

The illegitimate son of a Haitian father and a mother originally from St. Thomas, he, like Luperón, is one of the few black contenders for power.

As events will demonstrate, he also possesses a singular thirst for power and a willingness to take any measures necessary to attain and to hold it.

Seven individuals hold or claim national, regional, or interim leadership in the Dominican Republic during the four years between Baéz's final withdrawal and Heureaux's ascension to the presidency
Among them are Ignacio Maria Gonzalez Santin, who holds the presidency from June to September 1878; Luperón, who governs from Puerto Plata as provisional president from October 1879 to August 1880; and Merino, who assumes office in September 1880 after apparently fraudulent general elections.

Heureaux serves as minister of interior under Merino; his behind-the-scenes influence on the rest of the cabinet apparently exceeds that of the president.

Although Merino briefly suspends constitutional procedures in response to unrest fomented by some remaining baecistas, he abides by the two-year term established under Luperón and turns the reins of government over to Heureaux on September 1, 1882.

Francisco Gregorio Billini, inaugurated president on September 1, 1884, resists Heureaux's efforts to manipulate him.

Thus denied de facto rule, Heureaux undermines Billini by spreading rumors to the effect that the president has decreed a political amnesty so that he can conspire with ex-president Cesareo Guillermo Bastardo (February 27-December 6, 1879) against Luperón's leadership of the Blues.

These rumors precipitate a governmental crisis that results in Billini's resignation on May 16, 1885.

Vice President Alejandro Woss y Gil succeeds Billini.

Heureaux assumes a more prominent role under the new government.

A number of his adherents are included in the cabinet, and the general himself assumes command of the national army in order to stem a rebellion led by Guillermo.

The latter's death removes another potential rival for power and further endears Heureaux to Luperón, a longtime enemy of Guillermo.