Makarios III
1st President of the Republic of Cyprus
1913 CE to 1977 CE
Makarios III (born Michail Christodolou Mouskos; August 13, 1913 – August 3, 1977), is the archbishop and primate of the autocephalous Cypriot Orthodox Church (1950–1977) and the first President of the Republic of Cyprus (1960–1974 and 1974–1977).
In his three terms as President of Cyprus (1959-1977), he survives four assassination attempts and a 1974 coup.
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The Church of Cyprus meanwhile solidifies its control over the Greek Cypriot community, intensifies its activities for enosis and, after the rise of AKEL, opposes communism.
Prominent among its leaders is Bishop Makarios, spiritual and secular leader of the Greek Cypriots. Born Michael Christodoulou Mouskos in 1913 to peasant parents in the village of Pano Panayia, about thirty kilometers northeast of Paphos in the foothills of the Troodos Mountains, the future archbishop and president had entered Kykko Monastery as a novice at age thirteen.
His pursuit of education over the next several years had taken him from the monastery to the Pancyprian Gymnasium in Nicosia, where he finished secondary school.
From there, he moved to Athens University as a deacon to study theology.
After earning his degree in theology, he remained at the university during the Second World War occupation, studying law.
He was ordained as a priest in 1946, adopting the name Makarios. A few months after ordination, he received a scholarship from the World Council of Churches that took him to Boston University for advanced studies at the Theological College.
Before he had completed his studies at Boston, he was elected in absentia bishop of Kition.
He returned to Cyprus in the summer of 1948 to take up his new office.
Prominent among its leaders is Bishop Makarios, spiritual and secular leader of the Greek Cypriots. Born Michael Christodoulou Mouskos in 1913 to peasant parents in the village of Pano Panayia, about thirty kilometers northeast of Paphos in the foothills of the Troodos Mountains, the future archbishop and president had entered Kykko Monastery as a novice at age thirteen.
His pursuit of education over the next several years had taken him from the monastery to the Pancyprian Gymnasium in Nicosia, where he finished secondary school.
From there, he moved to Athens University as a deacon to study theology.
After earning his degree in theology, he remained at the university during the Second World War occupation, studying law.
He was ordained as a priest in 1946, adopting the name Makarios. A few months after ordination, he received a scholarship from the World Council of Churches that took him to Boston University for advanced studies at the Theological College.
Before he had completed his studies at Boston, he was elected in absentia bishop of Kition.
He returned to Cyprus in the summer of 1948 to take up his new office.
Makarios had been consecrated as bishop on June 13, 1948, in the Cathedral of Larnaca.
He also became secretary of the Ethnarchy Council, a position that made him chief political adviser to the archbishop and swept him into the mainstream of the enosis struggle.
His major accomplishment as bishop is planning the plebiscite that brings forth a ninety-six percent favorable vote for enosis in January 1950.
In June Archbishop Makarios II dies, and in October the bishop of Kition is elected to succeed him.
He takes office as Makarios III and, at age thirty-seven, is the youngest archbishop in the history of the Church of Cyprus.
At his inauguration, he pledges not to rest until union with "Mother Greece" has been achieved.
He also became secretary of the Ethnarchy Council, a position that made him chief political adviser to the archbishop and swept him into the mainstream of the enosis struggle.
His major accomplishment as bishop is planning the plebiscite that brings forth a ninety-six percent favorable vote for enosis in January 1950.
In June Archbishop Makarios II dies, and in October the bishop of Kition is elected to succeed him.
He takes office as Makarios III and, at age thirty-seven, is the youngest archbishop in the history of the Church of Cyprus.
At his inauguration, he pledges not to rest until union with "Mother Greece" has been achieved.
In Athens, enosis is a common topic of coffeehouse conversation, and Colonel George Grivas, a Cypriot native, is becoming known for his strong views on the subject.
Grivas, born in 1898 in the village of Trikomo about fifty kilometers northeast of Nicosia, is the son of a grain merchant.
After elementary education in the village school, he was sent to the Pancyprian Gymnasium.
Reportedly a good student, Grivas had gone to Athens at age seventeen to enter the Greek Military Academy.
As a young officer in the Greek army, he saw action in Anatolia during the Greco-Turkish War of 1920-22, in which he was wounded and cited for bravery.
Grivas's unit almost reached Ankara during the Anatolian campaign, and he was sorely disappointed as the Greek campaign turned into disaster.
However, he learned much about war, particularly guerrilla war.
When Italy invaded Greece in 1940, he was a lieutenant colonel serving as chief of staff of an infantry division.
Grivas, born in 1898 in the village of Trikomo about fifty kilometers northeast of Nicosia, is the son of a grain merchant.
After elementary education in the village school, he was sent to the Pancyprian Gymnasium.
Reportedly a good student, Grivas had gone to Athens at age seventeen to enter the Greek Military Academy.
As a young officer in the Greek army, he saw action in Anatolia during the Greco-Turkish War of 1920-22, in which he was wounded and cited for bravery.
Grivas's unit almost reached Ankara during the Anatolian campaign, and he was sorely disappointed as the Greek campaign turned into disaster.
However, he learned much about war, particularly guerrilla war.
When Italy invaded Greece in 1940, he was a lieutenant colonel serving as chief of staff of an infantry division.
The plebiscite results and a petition for enosis are taken to the Greek Chamber of Deputies, where Prime Minister Sophocles Venizelos urges the deputies to accept the petition and incorporate
the plea for enosis into national policy.
The plebiscite data are also presented to the United Nations (UN) Secretariat in New York, with a request that the principle of self-determination be applied to Cyprus.
Makarios himself appears before the UN in February 1951 to denounce British policy, but Britain holds that the Cyprus problem is an internal issue not subject to UN consideration.
the plea for enosis into national policy.
The plebiscite data are also presented to the United Nations (UN) Secretariat in New York, with a request that the principle of self-determination be applied to Cyprus.
Makarios himself appears before the UN in February 1951 to denounce British policy, but Britain holds that the Cyprus problem is an internal issue not subject to UN consideration.
During the Nazi occupation of Greece, Grivas led a right-wing extremist organization known by the Greek letter X (Chi), which some authors describe as a band of terrorists and others call a
resistance group.
In his memoirs, Grivas will say that it was later British propaganda that blackened the good name of X.
At any rate, Grivas had earned a reputation as a courageous military leader, even though
his group was eventually banned.
Later, after an unsuccessful try in Greek politics, he turned his attention to his original home,
Cyprus, and to enosis.
For the rest of his life, Grivas will be devoted to this cause.
resistance group.
In his memoirs, Grivas will say that it was later British propaganda that blackened the good name of X.
At any rate, Grivas had earned a reputation as a courageous military leader, even though
his group was eventually banned.
Later, after an unsuccessful try in Greek politics, he turned his attention to his original home,
Cyprus, and to enosis.
For the rest of his life, Grivas will be devoted to this cause.
In anticipation of an armed struggle to achieve enosis, Grivas tours Cyprus in July 1951 to study the people and terrain (his first visit in twenty years).
He discusses his ideas with Makarios but is disappointed by the archbishop's reservations about the
effectiveness of a guerrilla uprising.
From the beginning, as will be the case throughout their relationship, Grivas resents having to share
leadership with the archbishop.
Makarios, concerned about Grivas's extremism from their very first meeting, prefers to continue diplomatic efforts, particularly efforts to get the UN involved.
Entry of both Greece and Turkey into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) makes settlement of the Cyprus issue more important to the Western powers, but no new ideas are forthcoming.
He discusses his ideas with Makarios but is disappointed by the archbishop's reservations about the
effectiveness of a guerrilla uprising.
From the beginning, as will be the case throughout their relationship, Grivas resents having to share
leadership with the archbishop.
Makarios, concerned about Grivas's extremism from their very first meeting, prefers to continue diplomatic efforts, particularly efforts to get the UN involved.
Entry of both Greece and Turkey into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) makes settlement of the Cyprus issue more important to the Western powers, but no new ideas are forthcoming.
One year after the reconnaissance trip by Grivas, a secret meeting is arranged in Athens to bring together like-minded people in a Cyprus liberation committee.
Makarios chairs the meeting.
Grivas, who sees himself as the sole leader of the movement, once again is disappointed by the more moderate views of the archbishop.
The feelings of uneasiness that arise between the soldier and the cleric will never dissipate.
In the end, the two will become bitter enemies.
Makarios chairs the meeting.
Grivas, who sees himself as the sole leader of the movement, once again is disappointed by the more moderate views of the archbishop.
The feelings of uneasiness that arise between the soldier and the cleric will never dissipate.
In the end, the two will become bitter enemies.
Turkish Cypriot identification with Turkey grows stronger, and after 1954 the Turkish government will become increasingly involved as the Cyprus problem becomes an international issue.
On the island, an underground political organization known as Volkan (volcano) is formed.
Volkan will eventually establish in 1957 the Turkish Resistance Organization (Turk Mukavemet Te§kilati—TMT), a guerrilla group that fights for Turkish Cypriot interests.
On the island, an underground political organization known as Volkan (volcano) is formed.
Volkan will eventually establish in 1957 the Turkish Resistance Organization (Turk Mukavemet Te§kilati—TMT), a guerrilla group that fights for Turkish Cypriot interests.
Anti-British sentiments are exacerbated when Britain concludes an agreement with Egypt for the evacuation of forces from the Suez Canal zone and begins moving the headquarters of the British Middle East Land and Air Forces to Cyprus.
Meanwhile, Grivas has returned to the island surreptitiously and made contact with Makarios.
In December the UN General Assembly, after consideration of the Cyprus item placed on the agenda by Greece, adopts a New Zealand proposal that, using diplomatic jargon, announces the decision "not to consider the problem further for the time being, because it does not appear appropriate to adopt a resolution on the question of Cyprus."
Reaction to the setback at the UN is immediate and violent.
Greek Cypriot leaders called a general strike, and schoolchildren left their classrooms to demonstrate in the streets.
These events are followed by the worst rioting since 1931.
Meanwhile, Grivas has returned to the island surreptitiously and made contact with Makarios.
In December the UN General Assembly, after consideration of the Cyprus item placed on the agenda by Greece, adopts a New Zealand proposal that, using diplomatic jargon, announces the decision "not to consider the problem further for the time being, because it does not appear appropriate to adopt a resolution on the question of Cyprus."
Reaction to the setback at the UN is immediate and violent.
Greek Cypriot leaders called a general strike, and schoolchildren left their classrooms to demonstrate in the streets.
These events are followed by the worst rioting since 1931.
The Cyprus problem intensifies in the late summer and fall of 1954.
On Cyprus the colonial government threatens advocates of enosis with up to five years' imprisonment and warns that anti-sedition laws will be strictly enforced.
The archbishop defies the law, but no action is taken against him.
On Cyprus the colonial government threatens advocates of enosis with up to five years' imprisonment and warns that anti-sedition laws will be strictly enforced.
The archbishop defies the law, but no action is taken against him.
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