Mahatma Gandhi begins a massive civil disobedience…

Two years after the establishment, in December 1922, of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR) politicians directed by the Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks) had created the Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic, one of several ethnically designated territories within the Union.

The authorities had soon granted the Uzbek S.S.R.

the formal status of constituent republic of the USSR At first, it includes what is now Tajikistan, but this region had been detached and had become a separate union republic in 1929.

In 1930, Tashkent replaces Samarkand as the capital.

Ibn Sa'ud forces the encircled rebels to surrender to the British in Kuwait in January 1930.

The Ikhwan leaders, ad-Dawish and Ibn Hithlayn's cousin Nayif, are subsequently incarcerated in Riyadh.

Power in Arabia thus passes definitively into the hands of townspeople rather than the tribes.

Not all of the Ikhwan had revolted.

Those that had stayed loyal to Ibn Sa'ud remain on the hijrahs, continue to receive government support, and continue as an influential religious force.

Because Arabian sovereignty is traditionally expressed in the form of suzerainty over certain tribes rather than in fixed territorial boundaries, Ibn Sa'ud regards the demarcation of land frontiers with suspicion.

Nevertheless, by 1930, the majority of the frontiers with Iraq, Kuwait, and Jordan have been demarcated.

In the south, however, no agreement is reached on the exact site of the Saudi frontiers with the Trucial States and with the interior of Yemen, Muscat, and Oman.

The concept of a separate Muslim "nation" or "people," qaum, is inherent in Islam, but this concept bears no resemblance to a territorial entity.

The poet-philosopher Muhammad Iqbal (1876-1938) is the first to enunciate a proposal for a Muslim state in India.

In his presidential address to the Muslim League session at Allahabad in 1930, Iqbal describes India as Asia in miniature, in which a unitary form of government is inconceivable and religious community rather than territory is the basis for identification.

To him, communalism in its highest sense is the key to the formation of a harmonious whole in India.

Therefore, he demands the establishment of a confederated India to include a Muslim state.

He suggests that the four northwestern provinces (Sindh, Balochistan, Punjab, and the North-West Frontier Province) should be joined in such a state.

(In subsequent speeches and writings, Iqbal reiterates the claims of Muslims to be considered a nation "based on unity of language, race, history, religion, and identity of economic interests.")

The militant anti-British Red Shirt Movement, an amalgam of pan-Islamism and Indian nationalism, is the byname of Khudai Khitmatgar (Persian: "Servants of God"), an action in support of the Indian National Congress started by Abdul Ghaffar Khan of the North-West Frontier Province of India in 1930.

A Pashtun who greatly admires Mahatma Gandhi and his nonviolent principles, Ghaffar Khan views support for the Congress as a way of pressing his grievances against the British frontier regime.

Known as the Frontier Gandhi, his followers are pledged to nonviolence, and derive their popular title from the red color of their shirts.

Khan had drawn his first recruits from the young men who had graduated from his schools.

Trained and uniformed, they serve behind their officers and file out into various villages to seek recruits.

They began by wearing a simple white overshirt, but the white was soon dirtied.

A couple of men had their shirts dyed at the local tannery, and the brick-red color proved a breakthrough, it is this distinctive color that earned the Khudai khidmatgar movement activists the name "the Red shirts" or surkh posh.

Ghaffar Khan is arrested on April 23, 1930, after giving a speech in Utmanzai urging resistance to the British occupation.

Ghaffar Khan's reputation for uncompromising integrity and commitment to nonviolence inspire most of the local townspeople to take the oath of membership and join the Khudai Khidmatgar in protest.

After other Khudai Khidmatgar leaders are arrested, a large crowd of the group gathers at the Qissa Khwani bazaar (the Storytellers Market) in Peshawar.

As British troops move into the bazaar, the crowd is loud, though completely nonviolent.

British armored cars drive into the square at high speed, killing several people.

The crowd continues their commitment to nonviolence, offering to disperse if they could gather their dead and injured, and if British troops leave the square.

The British troops refuse to leave, so the protesters remain with the dead and injured.

At this point, the British order troops to open fire with machine guns on the unarmed crowd.

The Khudai Khidmatgar members willingly face bullets, responding without violence.

Instead, many members repeat 'God is Great' and clutch the Qur'an as they go to their death.

This is the first major confrontation between British troops and nonviolent demonstrators in the peaceful city—some estimates at the time put the death toll from the shooting at nearly four hundred dead.

The exact number of deaths remains controversial—several hundred killed, with many more wounded.

One British Indian Army regiment, troops of the renowned Royal Garhwal Rifles, refused to fire at the crowds.

A British civil servant wrote later that "hardly any regiment of the Indian Army won greater glory in the Great War than the Garhwal Rifles, and the defection of part of the regiment sent shock waves through India, of apprehension to some, of exultation to others."

The entire platoon is arrested and many receive heavy penalties, including life imprisonment.

The troops continued hunting the Peshawarites indiscriminately for six hours.

A defining moment in the nonviolent struggle to drive the British out of India, the gunning down of unarmed people triggers protests across the subcontinent and catapults the newly formed Khudai Khidmatgar movement onto the National scene.

This results in King George VI (Emperor of India) launching a legal investigation into this matter.

The British Commission brings the case forward to Chief Justice Naimatullah Chaudhry, a distinguished Judge of the Lucknow protectorate.

Chaudhry personally surveys the area of massacre and publishes a two hundred-page report criticizing the British and passes a resolution in favor of the local people of Peshawar and N.W.F.P Area.

The decision of the judge is hailed by the local populace upon the basis that truth and honesty has prevailed.

In 1930, Nader Shah suppresses an uprising in support of Amanollah.

The black-red-green tricolor designed is retained in the national flag, but the eight-pointed star is removed from the center, replaced by a larger version of the national arms surrounded instead by a wreath.

The majority of Hungarians continue to choose to stay in Transylvania rather than emigrate to Hungary, so that in 1930 they form 31 percent of the population of the province.

Nonetheless, they strive to preserve their ethnic and cultural distinctiveness and resist integration into Greater Romanian society.

The Romanian government—and Romanians generally—remain wary of Hungarian irredentism, the center of which, they are certain, is Budapest, and they reject demands from the Hungarians in Transylvania for political autonomy.

The German-speaking Saxons, 7.7 percent of the population of Transylvania in 1930, are also anxious to maintain their ethnic separateness in the face of Romanian nation building, and to a certain extent, they succeed at the local level.

The Jewish community, 4.2 percent of the country's population in 1930, is subject to discrimination, as anti-Jewish sentiments can be found in all social classes (although acts of violence will remain rare until the outbreak of the Second World War).

In Bulgaria, a small, elitist group called Zveno, (“A Link in a Chain”), is established in 1930 with connections to most of the major Bulgarian parties and to fascist Italy.

Inspired by the former socialist Dimo Kazasov, led by led by Col. Kimon Georgiev, and composed primarily of radical civilians, who have become disillusioned with a government hampered by military domination, irresponsible political parties, and uncontrolled terrorist activities, Zveno advocates “national restoration” through an authoritarian, technocratic regime.

Tsar Boris’s marriage in 1930 to Princess Giovanna of Italy temporarily cements Italian relations.

King Aleksandar’s dictatorship at first gains wide support because it seems to make government more efficient and less corrupt.

He wins a certain amount of support for his aims, but the draconian character of their implementation—including suppressing patriotic gymnastic societies, interfering with the judiciary and the press, and arresting and torturing political opponents—arouses deep hostility.

Aleksandar's attempt to impose unity on the ethnic groups backfires, blocking the understanding of common national interests and unleashing more divisive forces.

The royal dictatorship unifies Croatian opposition to Serbian hegemony but fractures the once-unified Serbian parties.

The police violently suppress expressions of communism and ethnic dissidence.

The state imprisons Slovenian and Muslim politicians and tries Vlatko Macek, successor to Radic, for terrorist activity.

Serbs also are oppressed, and the leader of the Serbian Democrats leaves the country in protest.

Ultranationalist Croats flee also.

When the Depression sets in Germany and the government again breaks up, Paul von Hindenburg, the republic's second president, appoints a Cabinet resting on his, rather than on the Reichstag's, confidence.

He authorizes Chancellor Heinrich Brüning to dissolve the Reichstag should it prove uncooperative and promises to issue emergency decrees in lieu of Reichstag-enacted laws.

The Reichstag is dissolved in July 1930.

Voters in the September 1930 elections, battered by the Great Depression’s mass unemployment, threatened by Communist insurgency and wooed by the alliance between the industrialist Alfred Hugenberg’s Nationalist party and the Nazis, award the NSDAP one hundred and seven seats in the Reichstag, up from twelve.

The elections having produced an even less cooperative successor, Brüning now governs almost exclusively by decree.

The Nazis have become Germany’s second largest political power, their rise in 1930 accompanied by continuing political assassinations.

Rohm in 1930 returns to Germany from Boliviato reorganize the Brownshirts.