Cañari
Nation | Active
532 CE to 2057 CE
The Cañari (in Kichwa: Kañari) are an indigenous ethnic group traditionally inhabiting the territory of the modern provinces of Azuay and Cañar in Ecuador.
They are descended from the independent pre-Columbian tribal confederation of the same name.
The historic people are particularly noted for their resistance against the Inca Empire.
Eventually conquered by the Inca in the early sixteenth century shortly before the arrival of the Spanish, the Cañari later ally with the Spanish against the Inca.
Today, the population of the Cañari, who include many mestizos, numbers in the thousands.
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South America (1108 – 1251 CE): Chimú Ascendancy and the Terra Preta Networks
Between 1108 and 1251 CE, South America witnessed a continental transformation.
In the north, the Chimú kingdom of Peru rose to imperial scale, uniting river valleys beneath its capital at Chan Chan.
Across the Andes and Altiplano, confederacies of Colla, Lupaca, and early Cuzco houses refined irrigation and ritual.
In the tropical lowlands, Amazonian cities of black earth (terra preta) sustained dense populations, while Guaraní and Tairona polities expanded through river and mountain.
To the south, Mapuche, Tehuelche, and Fuegian networks integrated steppe, valley, and sea.
The result was a continental system of agrarian intensification, monumental art, and ecological adaptation—an age of power and sophistication preceding the imperial unifications of later centuries.
Geographic and Environmental Context
South America stretched from the Caribbean foothills and Andean cordilleras to the southern fjords and Patagonian plains.
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Coastal Peru: irrigated desert valleys nourished dense urban centers.
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Altiplano and high Andes: frost-prone basins relied on terraces and raised fields.
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Amazon Basin: riverine towns and engineered landscapes thrived on nutrient-rich soils.
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Guianas and Orinoco: shell-ring chiefdoms and manioc fields lined the rivers.
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Southern Cone: steppe hunters, forest horticulturalists, and maritime foragers shared trade corridors across Patagonia, Araucanía, and Tierra del Fuego.
This patchwork of climates and ecosystems fostered regional specialization and enduring interdependence.
Climate and Environmental Shifts
The Medieval Warm Period provided generally favorable conditions, though ENSO (El Niño–Southern Oscillation)cycles produced droughts and floods along the Pacific coast.
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Chimú irrigation buffered arid valleys against rainfall variability.
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Andean terraces and waru waru (raised fields) stabilized highland agriculture.
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Amazonian wetlands expanded seasonal productivity through flood management.
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Southern steppes alternated between drought and bounty, promoting migratory alliances.
Despite periodic shocks, resilience through ecological diversity defined the age.
Societies and Political Developments
Chimú Empire (Kingdom of Chimor):
Centered at Chan Chan, the Chimú state integrated dozens of coastal valleys from Tumbez to Huarmey.
Its walled compounds and administrative plazas reflected rigid hierarchy and centralized tribute.
Cotton, maize, and fishmeal moved from coast to capital, while metallurgists crafted gold and tumbaga for elite ritual.
Moon worship and sacred geography underpinned the legitimacy of Chimú lords.
Highland Confederacies:
To the east, the Colla, Lupaca, and Chachapoya maintained federated polities on the Altiplano and in cloud forests.
Cuzco’s early houses—still ritual rather than imperial—consolidated prestige through lineage sanctuaries and inter-valley alliances.
Across the Ecuadorian Andes, the Caranqui–Cayambe confederacies fortified valleys and maintained autonomy amid volcanic terrain.
Northern Lowlands and Caribbean Foothills:
The Tairona of Colombia’s Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta built terraced cities of stone and stairways, cultivating cotton and goldwork that reached Caribbean traders.
In the Guianas, horticultural chiefdoms organized along river channels, producing manioc bread, shell tools, and trade ornaments.
Amazonian City Networks:
In the Xingu, Tapajós, and Madeira basins, complex towns emerged—interlinked by plazas, causeways, and canals.
Their fertility derived from terra preta, anthropogenic black earth enriched by charcoal and organic waste.
These systems sustained dense populations, pottery industries, and ritual plazas echoing Andean cosmology in forest form.
Southern Cone and Patagonian Realms:
Farther south, Mapuche communities in Araucanía aggregated into valley clusters with improved field systems and fisheries.
Tehuelche bands organized broad hunting and exchange alliances, mediating access to obsidian, ochre, and waterholes.
Selk’nam (Ona) of Tierra del Fuego formalized the Hain initiation ceremony—mask and body-paint performances of cosmic order—while Yaghan and Kawésqar sea nomads plied the fjords and kelp forests with skin canoes.
Economy and Trade
Coastal and Highland Economies:
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Chimú: irrigated cotton and maize supported vast textile workshops; fishmeal and guano fertilized inland fields.
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Andes: llama caravans exchanged salt, metals, textiles, and coca between valleys.
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Altiplano: waru waru raised fields and qochas (reservoirs) sustained surplus maize and tubers.
Amazon and Lowlands:
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Manioc, maize, and palm fruits underpinned subsistence.
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Feathers, ceramics, salt, and hardwoods circulated through canoe trade.
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Santarém, Xingu, and Tapajós towns maintained interregional markets of ritual goods and ornaments.
Southern Circuits:
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Guaraní towns along the Paraná and Uruguay rivers exchanged ceramics, maize, and forest products.
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Patagonian alliances moved hides, pigments, and obsidian between steppe and forest.
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Chiloé and the fjord coasts shared fish oil and canelo bark in ritual and barter.
These overlapping networks knit the continent from coast to canopy and steppe to sea.
Belief and Symbolism
Andean Cosmologies:
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Chimú religion venerated the Moon (Si) as supreme deity; rulers were seen as her intermediaries.
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Huacas (sacred places), ancestral mummies, and pilgrimage routes structured both politics and piety.
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Highland rites tied fertility to mountains (apus), water, and ancestral lineage.
Lowland and Amazonian Faiths:
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Tairona worship centered on ancestral temples and mountain spirits.
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Amazonian rituals used plazas and causeways as sacred maps of the cosmos, linking celestial cycles to agriculture.
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Guaraní cosmology envisioned a canoe voyage to the “Land Without Evil,” blending mobility with spiritual aspiration.
Southern and Maritime Traditions:
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Mapuche machi (shamans) presided over seasonal rites of healing and fertility.
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Selk’nam and Yaghan cosmologies honored wind, tide, and animal spirits, maintaining balance between worlds.
Subsistence and Technology
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Irrigation and terracing along coastal and highland zones sustained dense populations.
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Fish traps, nets, and reed boats in the Pacific fed urban centers.
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Metallurgy in gold, silver, and copper alloys reached new refinement in Chimú workshops.
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Pottery and architecture integrated geometric, zoomorphic, and celestial motifs.
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Amazonian earthworks—mounds, canals, and causeways—demonstrated hydraulic sophistication equal to that of Andean engineers.
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Patagonian bolas and steppe traps, Fuegian bone tools, and canoe caulking with seal fat embodied resourceful adaptation to cold and wind.
Movement and Interaction Corridors
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Coastal desert highways linked Chimú cities and ports from Moche to Tumbez.
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Andean caravan trails crossed from Cuzco and Lake Titicaca to Atacama oases, bearing salt, metal, and textiles.
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Amazonian waterways—Tapajós, Xingu, Madeira—formed vast arterial systems joining inland towns.
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Guaraní Paraná–Uruguay route integrated southern forests into the continental trade.
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Southern overland paths (Bío-Bío ⇄ Chiloé ⇄ Magellan channels) carried obsidian and pigments between steppe and sea.
The continent’s landscapes were thus woven together by roads of sand, stone, and river.
Adaptation and Resilience
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Andean agricultural innovation—raised fields, terraces, and canal systems—buffered climatic shocks.
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Amazonian terra preta renewed soil fertility, allowing long-term settlement in rainforest zones.
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Highland confederacies managed surplus through ritual redistribution and caravan exchange.
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Guaraní mobility and ritualized warfare balanced expansion with ecological limits.
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Mapuche–Tehuelche–Fuegian integration united valley, steppe, and channel economies, ensuring survival through cooperative diversity.
Resilience lay in ecological engineering, shared ritual systems, and flexible political alliances.
Long-Term Significance
By 1251 CE, South America was a continent of sophisticated polities and engineered landscapes:
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The Chimú Empire dominated Peru’s coast as the largest state since Wari.
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Highland federations anchored Andean ritual and trade systems.
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Amazonian city networks flourished through sustainable soil management and ceremonial roadways.
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Tairona and Guaraní chiefdoms linked coasts and rivers through diplomacy and exchange.
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Mapuche and Fuegian societies mastered survival through cooperation across ecological zones.
Together they formed a hemispheric continuum of civilization—urban, sacred, and resilient—poised on the eve of new imperial syntheses that would define the next centuries of Andean and Amazonian history.
South America Major (1108 – 1251 CE): Chimú Ascendancy, Highland Confederacies, and Terra Preta Cities
Geographic and Environmental Context
South America Major includes: all regions north of the Río Negro (the Patagonia boundary), i.e., Colombia (except Darién, assigned to Isthmian America), Venezuela, the Guianas, Brazil, Ecuador (excluding the Ecuadorian Capelands, which belong to Isthmian America), Peru, Bolivia, Paraguay, Uruguay, northern Argentina, and northern Chile.
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Anchors: Chan Chan (Chimú capital), Altiplano confederacies (Colla, Lupaca, Chachapoya, early Cuzco houses), Ecuador confederacies, Tairona terrace-cities, Guianas rivers, Amazonian hubs (Xingu, Tapajós, Madeira), Guaraní in Paraguay–Uruguay–northern Argentina, Atacama oases.
Climate and Environmental Shifts
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ENSO oscillations stressed coasts but inland terraces and Amazonian raised fields cushioned impact.
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Altiplano frost windows tightened, but waru waru and qochas sustained farming.
Societies and Political Developments
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Chimú (Chimor): Chan Chan flourished, tribute integrated valleys.
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Highlands: Colla–Lupaca strong, Cuzco’s ritual houses gained prestige; Chachapoya in cloud forests.
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Ecuador: Caranqui–Cayambe confederacies entrenched; Quitu traditions survived.
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Tairona: terrace-cities matured, gold/cotton wealth grew.
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Guianas: horticultural chiefdoms expanded manioc and shell economies.
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Amazonia: Santarém-like towns, terra preta black earth fertility, Xingu–Tapajós plaza networks.
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Southern Cone: Guaraní established robust towns along Paraná–Uruguay; ritualized warfare expanded.
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Atacama: caravan hubs tied Chilean oases to highland Bolivia and Peru.
Economy and Trade
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Chimú tribute: cotton, maize, fishmeal, copper–gold alloys.
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Caravans: salt, metals, textiles, coca leaves in Andes.
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Amazon: manioc flour, ceramics, feathers, salt.
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Guaraní: maize, forest products, ceramics in river valleys.
Belief and Symbolism
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Chimú moon cults; Andean huaca worship; Tairona ancestor shrines; Amazonian ritual roadways; Guaraní canoe cosmologies.
Long-Term Significance
By 1251, the Chimú state flourished, highland lordships persisted, Tairona and Amazonian chiefdoms matured, and Guaraní footholds reshaped the southern forests.
Ecuador offers little archeological evidence of its pre-Hispanic civilizations.
Nonetheless, its most ancient artifacts—remnants of the Valdivia culture found along the coast north of the modern city of Santa Elena in Guayas Province—date from as early as 3500 BCE.
Other major coastal archaeological sites are found in the provinces of Manabi and Esmeraldas; major sites in the Sierra are found in Carchi and Imbabura provinces in the north, Tungurahua and Chimborazo provinces in the middle of the Andean highlands, and Cafiar, Azuay, and Loja provinces in the south.
Nearly all of these sites are dated in the last two thousand years.
Large parts of Ecuador, including almost all of the Oriente, however, remain unknown territory to archaeologists.
Knowledge of Ecuador before the Spanish conquest is limited also by the absence of recorded history within either the Inca or pre-Inca cultures as well as by the lack of interest taken in Ecuador by the Spanish chroniclers.
Before the Inca conquest of the area that comprises modern-day Ecuador, the region is populated by a number of distinct tribes that speak mutually unintelligible languages and are often at war with one another.
Four culturally related native groups, known as the Esmeralda, the Manta, the Huancavilca, and the Puna, occupy the coastal lowlands in that order from north to south.
They are hunters, fishermen, agriculturalists, and traders.
Trade is especially important among different coastal groups, who seem to have developed considerable oceanic travel, but the lowland cultures also trade with the peoples of the Sierra, exchanging fish for salt.
The Sierra is populated by elements, from north to south, of the Pasto, the Cara, the Panzaleo, the Puruha, the Canari, and the Palta cultures.
These people live mostly on mountainsides and in widely dispersed villages located in the fertile valleys between the Cordillera Occidental (Western Chain) and the Cordillera Oriental (Eastern Chain) of the Andes.
The Sierra natives are a sedentary, agricultural people, cultivating corn, quinoa, beans, and many varieties of potatoes and squashes.
The use of irrigation is prevalent, especially among the Cañari.
A wide variety of fruits, including pineapples and avocados, is grown in the lower, warmer valleys.
Historians believe that political organization centered around local chieftains who collaborated with one another in confederations or were subjected to "kings."
Such local chiefs have considerable authority; they can raise armies, for example, and administer communal lands.
The Inca expansion northward from modern-day Peru during the late fifteenth century meets with fierce resistance by several Ecuadorian tribes, particularly the Canari, in the region around modern- day Cuenca; the Cara in the Sierra north of Quito; and the Quitu, occupants of the site of the modern capital, after whom it is to be named.
The conquest of Ecuador begins in 1463 under the leadership of the ninth Inca, the great warrior Pachacuti Inca Yupanqui.
In this year, his son Topa takes over command of the army and begins his march northward through the Sierra.
After defeating the Quitu, he moves southward along the coast, from there launching an extensive ocean journey that takes him, depending on the account, to the Galapagos Islands or to the Marquesas Islands in Polynesia.
Upon his return, he tries unsuccessfully to subdue the populations around the Gulf of Guayaquil and the island of Puna.
By 1500 Topa's son, Huayna Capac, overcomes the resistance of these populations and that of the Cara, and thus incorporates all of modern-day Ecuador into Tawantinsuyu, as the Inca empire is known.
The influence of these conquerors based in Cuzco (modern-day Peru) is limited to about a half century, or less in some parts of Ecuador.
During this period, some aspects of life remain unchanged.
Traditional religious beliefs, for example, persist throughout the period of Inca rule.
In other areas, however, such as agriculture, land tenure, and social organization, Inca rule has a profound effect despite its relatively short duration.
Farming remains the major form of subsistence, but the Inca introduce a variety of new crops, including yucca, sweet potatoes, coca, and peanuts.
The use of llamas and irrigation is expanded considerably.
Largely in private hands previously, land becomes, in theory at least, the property of the Inca emperor.
In practice, most land is held collectively by the ayllu, an agrarian community group headed by a curaca, which is the basic social grouping under the Inca.
Within the ayllu, each domestic family unit is allotted a small plot of arable land to grow food for its own consumption.
The state and the clergy also hold a substantial amount of land, which is worked by the emperor's subjects as part of their obligatory public service.
Emperor Huayna Capac becomes very fond of Quito, making it a secondary capital of Tawantinsuyu and living out his elder years there before his death in about 1527.
He prefers to rule through local curacas as long as they are willing to accept the divine authority of the Inca and to pay tribute.
When he meets opposition, the emperor disperses large parts of local populations to other areas of the empire and replaces them with colonists who are brought from as far away as Chile.
This wholesale movement of populations helps spread Quechua, the language of Cuzco, into Ecuador.
A standing army, a large bureaucracy, and a temporally important clergy further enforce the rule of the emperor.
The central figure of that history is Pizarro, an illiterate adventurer from Trujillo in the Spanish region of Extremadura, who had accompanied Vasco Nunez de Balboa in his crossing of the Isthmus of Panama to discover the Pacific in 1513.
Eleven years later, Panamanian governor Pedro Arias de Avila ("Pedrarias") authorized Pizarro, in partnership with an equally questionable character, a Castilian named Diego de Almagro, and a priest named Hernando de Luque, to explore southward down the west coast of South America.
Their first two voyages, in 1524 and 1526, end in failure; not until the third voyage, launched in 1531, will the Peruvian prize be won and the Inca be conquered.
The first European to set foot on the territory of modern-day Ecuador is probably Bartolome Ruiz de Estrada, the pilot for Pizarro on his second voyage, who pushes southward while Pizarro explores the Colombian coast and Almagro returns to Panama for supplies.
Pizarro himself lands on the Ecuadorian coast later during his exploratory voyage and travels as far as Tumbes in the extreme north of present-day Peru, in defiance of official orders to return to Panama.
Having thus lost the favor of the king's representatives in Panama, Pizarro is forced to return to the royal court in Spain to petition King Charles I personally for authorization of a third voyage.
Flush with the success of Hernán Cortés in Mexico and tantalized by the gold pieces brought by Pizarro from Tumbes and growing fables of great wealth in the South American interior, Charles grants Pizarro authorization and much more: the titles of governor and captain-general of Peru, a generous salary, and extensive territorial concessions.
Almagro is granted important, although less generous, titles and privileges; his resentment of this slight will affect relationships for the rest of the conquest.
At the time that Charles grants various titles to Pizarro and Almagro, he names de Luque Bishop of Tumbes.
Before returning to Panama in 1530, Pizarro recruits for the conquest several immediate family members, including two full brothers named Gonzalo and Juan as well as two half-brothers.
The participation of so many of Pizarro's relatives further strains relations between the two partners in conquest.
Pizarro now embarks from Panama with some one hundred and eighty men while Almagro remains there to gather additional recruits.
After thirteen days at sea, Pizarro lands once again on the coast of Ecuador, where he procures some gold, silver, and emeralds, which are dispatched to Panama and put to good use in Almagro's efforts.
Although the capture of the Inca stronghold of Tumbes is Pizarro's first objective, he is forced to spend several months in Ecuador, first nursing a rash of ulcers, then fighting the fierce warriors of the island of Puna.
By the time the conquerors arrive in Tumbes, it has been destroyed by the Puna warriors and its population dispersed.
Just to the south, they found the first Spanish settlement in Peru, San Miguel de Tangarara.
Huáscar and his army, at the news of Atahualpa’s proclamation, move north in a surprise attack at Tumebamba.
The local Cañari, despite being positioned in the northern area inherited by Atahualpa, support the attack, in order to expel the nearest source of power, with the ultimate aim of ousting the Inca.
The earlier Cañari people had defended their territory for many years against numerous Incan armies.
Through wars and marriages, the Inca Empire under the leadership of Huayna Capac had finally conquered their territory.
The Cañari have become loosely assimilated into the vast empire, allowed to manage their own affairs but adopting a new language for communicating with the Inca.
The tribe primarily occupies the Tumebamba area.
Due in part to Incan influence and mandate, Cañari construction reportedly rivals that of the Incan capital, Cuzco.
The city has become the most important of the northern part of the empire, known as Chinchay Suyu.
Of particular repute is the impressive and beautiful architecture of Tumebamba, which has often been referred to as the "second Cuzco."
Initially, Huáscar's generals Atoc and Hango are successful, defeating Atahualpa's army, capturing many of his soldiers, and seizing the large cities of Cajamarca and Tumebamba.
Atahualpa is captured and imprisoned.
While the army celebrates, Atahualpa’s guards get drunk and allow a woman in to meet him.
She sneaks in a tool that he uses that evening to drill a hole in his hail and escape.
He immediately prepares a counterattack with his large, experienced army from Quito.
Atahualpa, soon after his escape, moves his army south to the city of Ambato.
Here, on the plains of Mochacaxa, they find Huáscar's men, defeat them, and capture and kill many soldiers and even the head general, Atoc, whom they torture with darts and arrows.
Atahualpa has his skull made into a "gilded drinking cup, which the Spaniards would note that Atahualpa was still using four years later.” (MacQuarrie, Kim. The Last Days of the Inca. New York, NY: Simon & Schuster, 2007, p. 50.)
Atahualpa has strengthened his army following this victory; he continues south into his brother's land, winning every encounter.
Entering Cajamarca, he adds to his numbers.
He first tries peaceful means to gain loyalty from Huáscar’s men; where this fails, he becomes extremely violent, murdering large numbers and scaring the survivors into surrender.
One report described how Atahualpa massacred the Cañari tribesmen because they pledged allegiance to Huáscar.
When he finally arrives in Cajamarca, Atahualpa sends the majority of his army ahead, led by his head generals, while he stays in the safety of the city and explores rumors that the Spaniards are entering the land.
Atahualpa is saluted as a hero; when recapturing Cajamarca, making camp outside the city with some forty thousand troops while Chalcuchimac and Quizquiz chase Huáscar’s army south.
With a disastrous northern campaign, Huáscar has not only lost his best generals and many soldiers, but his army is shocked and demoralized.
Huascar and Atahualpa’s armies meet.
Huáscar, after finding himself in a dominant position, refuses to make use of it, opting for a safe retreat, crossing the Cotabambas River on the way to Cuzco.
Atahualpa's army pushes south through Huáscar’s territory, wining at Bonbon and Jauja.
The battle starting on the hillside of Vilcas seems to favor Huáscar.
who is stationed in a stone fortress at the top of the hill, but eventually he retreats.
Atahualpa's men win at Pincos, Andaguayias, at the battle between Curaguaci and Auancay northwest of Cuzco, at Limatambo, about twenty miles from Cuzco, and at Ichubamba, where Huáscar’s men flee.
Chalkuchimac has a plan of his own and anticipates the action of Topa Atao, a brother and commander of Huascar's forces in war.
Dividing his army in two, Chalkuchimac sends one contingent around Topa Atao's back, enveloping and destroying the defenders.
In January 1532, only miles from Cusco, Huáscar’s retreat is cut off at Quipaipan, the name of the plains west of the city, and his army is annihilated and disbanded.
Huáscar is captured and the capital is seized by Quizquiz, who has it purged of Huáscar’s supporters in a bloody massacre.