The hapless sultan is deposed in 1876 by a fetva (legal opinion) obtained by Midhat Pasha, a reformist minister sympathetic to the aims of the Young Ottomans.

His successor, Abdul Hamid II (r. 1876-1909), comes to the throne with the approval of Midhat and other reformers.

In December of this year, on the eve of the war with Russia, the new sultan promulgates a constitution, based on European models, that have been drafted by senior political, military, and religious officials under Midhat's direction.

Embodying the substance of the Young Ottoman program, this document creates a representative parliament, guaranteed religious liberty, and provides for enlarged freedom of expression.

Abdul Hamid's acceptance of constitutionalism is a temporary tactical expedient to gain the throne, however.

Midhat is dismissed in February 1877 and is later murdered.

The sultan calls the empire's first parliament but dissolves it within a year.

The Middle East: 1876–1887 CE

Ottoman Decline and International Competition

Between 1876 and 1887, the Ottoman Empire faces intensified internal strife and international pressure. The death of reformer Sultan Abdülaziz in 1876 is followed by short-lived reigns, ultimately bringing Abdul Hamid II to power. Abdul Hamid initially promises constitutional reform and establishes a parliament in 1876; however, he suspends it in 1878, inaugurating an era of increased centralization and autocratic governance. Internationally, the empire endures significant territorial losses following the Russo-Turkish War (1877–1878), finalized by the Treaty of Berlin (1878), diminishing its European territories and influence. The treaty cedes the territories of Ardahan, Batum, and Kars to Russia, while the sultan guarantees increased security for Christian subjects.

Reforms, Unrest, and Intellectual Growth in Lebanon

Lebanon continues to benefit from relative stability under the Mutasarrifate system. Nonetheless, religious and political tensions beneath the surface remain sensitive to external influences, particularly French and British interference. Educational and cultural institutions founded previously flourish significantly, highlighted by the founding of the American University of Beirut (1866) and St. Joseph’s University (1875), which become central to Lebanon's intellectual renaissance. An intellectual guild stimulates a revival of Arabic literature, fostering numerous publications and an active press. The harsh rule of Abdul Hamid II prompts increased clandestine political activity among both Christian and Muslim Arab nationalists in Beirut and Damascus. This period sees the crystallization of differing political visions: some Maronites advocate secession fearing pan-Islamic policies; Greek Orthodox Christians support an independent Syria with Lebanon as an autonomous province; Sunni Muslims generally prefer maintaining ties with the Ottoman caliphate; while Druze and Shia groups tend toward independence or status quo.

Internal Struggles in the Al Saud Domain

In Arabia, continued internal strife among the Al Saud family weakens central authority after the death of Faisal ibn Turki. Conflicts among Faisal’s sons—Abd Allah, Abd ar Rahman, and Saud—lead to intermittent control and further instability in Riyadh. These internal divisions challenge consistent authority, though alliances such as those with the influential Al Rashid family in Jabal Shammar remain crucial.

Qajar Iran: Concessions and Foreign Domination

Persia (Iran) under Naser ad-Din Shah further cedes sovereignty due to escalating pressure from British and Russian interests. Russian territorial gains in Central Asia solidify, and Britain extends its economic dominance. Increasingly unpopular economic concessions to foreigners provoke internal discontent. Reformist Persian officials like Malkam Khan and Prime Minister Mirza Hosain Khan Moshir od Dowleh advocate administrative, educational, and infrastructural reforms, emphasizing learning from advanced European states. However, resistance from bureaucratic and clerical factions hampers significant progress, laying foundations for later nationalist movements.

British Dominance and Maritime Prosperity in Oman

Under British oversight, Oman enjoys stability and maritime prosperity. The division between Muscat and Oman and Zanzibar functions effectively under British protection, facilitating regional commerce. Maritime truces significantly reduce piracy, ensuring the Persian Gulf remains a crucial and safe commercial route connecting Asia, Africa, and Europe.

Consolidation and Growth in the Persian Gulf

Qatar and Abu Dhabi solidify their respective positions under the rule of the Al Thani and Al Nahyan families, supported by continued British maritime protections. Qatar’s alignment with Wahhabi ideology distinguishes it from neighboring emirates. Economic prosperity from pearling and trade reinforces local autonomy, laying groundwork for future nation-building.

Modernization and Socioeconomic Shifts in Iraq

In Iraq, Ottoman reforms initiated by Midhat Pasha continue despite his removal. Infrastructure projects, including expanded telegraph networks, improved roads, and river transportation, integrate Iraq deeper into the global economy. The TAPU land laws foster an empowered class of wealthy sheikhs and landlords, significantly shifting tribal dynamics. Urban centers benefit from an influential educated class, which grows as secular education replaces traditional Islamic schooling. Increased Western presence, marked by the establishment of consulates and commercial advancements like steamboats and the Suez Canal, further integrates Iraq economically with Europe.

Rising National Consciousness in the Caucasus

Under Russian control, Armenia and Georgia experience intensified nationalist movements. Armenians develop robust national identity through educational and cultural revitalization, despite harsher Ottoman rule in Anatolian territories. Armenian appeals at the Congress of Berlin (1878) internationalize the "Armenian question," attracting attention from Russia and Britain. Georgian society faces intensified Russification, triggering nationalist resistance. The declining Georgian nobility leads to increased economic power for the Armenian merchant class, reshaping societal dynamics.

Legacy of the Era

From 1876 to 1887, the Middle East encounters profound transformations marked by Ottoman decline, Persian vulnerability, and increased British and Russian influence. Lebanon thrives culturally despite political tensions; the Al Saud face ongoing internal challenges; Oman and Persian Gulf emirates prosper under British oversight; Iraq modernizes economically and socially; and the Caucasus continues its path toward strengthened national identities. These shifts significantly influence the region’s subsequent political, cultural, and economic developments.

Political activity in Lebanon also increases in the second half of the nineteenth century.

The harsh rule of Abdul Hamid II (1876-1909) prompts the Arab nationalists, both Christians and Muslims, in Beirut and Damascus to organize into clandestine political groups and parties.

The Lebanese, however, have difficulties in deciding the best political course to advocate.

Many Lebanese Christians are apprehensive of Turkish pan-Islamic policies, fearing a repetition of the 1860 massacres.

Some, especially the Maronites, begin to contemplate secession rather than the reform of the Ottoman Empire.

Others, particularly the Greek Orthodox, advocate an independent Syria with Lebanon as a separate province within it, so as to avoid Maronite rule.

A number of Lebanese Muslims, on the other hand, seek not to liberalize the Ottoman regime but to maintain it, as Sunni Muslims particularly like to be identified with the caliphate.

The Shias and Druzes, however, fearing minority status in a Turkish state, tend to favor an independent Lebanon or a continuation of the status quo.

Parts of Asiatic Turkey—Ardahan, Batum and Kars—are ceded to Russia, and the Ottoman sultan gives guarantees for the security of his Christian subjects.

At the outset of the occupation of Egypt, the British government declares its intention to withdraw its troops as soon as possible.

This cannot be done, however, until the authority of the khedive is restored.

Eventually, the British realize that these two aims are incompatible because the military intervention, which Khedive Tawfiq had supported and which had prevented his overthrow, has undermined the authority of the ruler.

Without the British presence, the khedival government would probably collapse.

Sir Garnet Wolsley and an army of twenty thousand invaded the Suez Canal Zone in August.

Wolsley is authorized to crush the Urabi forces and clear the country of rebels.

The decisive battle is fought at Tall al Kabir on September 13, 1882.

The Urabi forces are routed and the capital captured.

The nominal authority of the khedive is restored, and the British occupation of Egypt, which is to last for seventy-two years, has begun.

An international conference of the European powers meets in Istanbul during the summer of 1882, but no agreement is reached.

The Ottoman sultan Abdul Hamid boycotts the conference and refuses to send troops to Egypt.

Eventually, Britain decides to act alone.

The French withdraw their naval squadron from Alexandria, and in July 1882, the British fleet begins bombarding Alexandria.

Following the burning of Alexandria and its occupation by British marines, the British install the khedive in the Ras at Tin Palace.

The khedive obligingly declares Urabi a rebel and deprives him of his political rights.

Urabi in turn obtains a religious ruling, a fatwa, signed by three Al Azhar sheikhs, deposing Tewfiq as a traitor who has brought about the foreign occupation of his country and betrayed his religion.

Urabi also orders general conscription and declares war on Britain.

Thus, as the British army is about to land in August, Egypt has two leaders: the khedive, whose authority is confined to British-controlled Alexandria, and Urabi, who is in full control of Cairo and the provinces.

Urabi is captured, and he and his associates are put on trial.

An Egyptian court sentences Urabi to death, but through British intervention the sentence is commuted to banishment to Ceylon.

Britain's military intervention in 1882 and its extended, if attenuated, occupation of the country leaves a legacy of bitterness among the Egyptians that will not be expunged until 1956 when British troops will finally be removed from the country.

With the occupation of 1882, Egypt becomes a part of the British Empire but will never officially be a colony.

The khedival government provides the facade of autonomy, but behind it lies the real power in the country, specifically, the British agent and consul general, backed by British troops.